Job opportunity: Professor of Climate Change and Societal Impacts

The Wegener Center for Climate and Global Change at the Faculty of Environmental, Regional and Educational Sciences (University of Graz) is seeking to appoint a

Professor (f/m) of Climate Change and Societal Impacts 

(40 hours per week; permanent employment according to the Austrian Law on Salaried Employment (AngG); planned starting date March 1st 2020) 

We are looking to appoint a full professor (f/m) who will form and lead a new research group “Climate Change and Societal Impacts“. This endowed chair and the new group will be part of the Wegener Center for Climate and Global Change and will be embedded in and benefit from the University´s interdisciplinary Field of Excellence “Climate Change and Sustainable Transformation”. https://jobs.uni-graz.at/content/C_PR_EN_ClimateChange.pdf

As a group leader, the professor will have the opportunity to develop an innovative line of research related to the transformation to a low carbon and climate robust society. We expect research with a strong theoretical foundation. We are seeking an outstanding scholar, with a proven track record, preferably with a background in the social sciences (e. g., sociology, psychology, political science) who has experience in working with researchers in the natural sciences or engineering (e. g., geosciences, physical climate science, life sciences). Alternatively, we are open to receive applications from researchers with a background in natural sciences who have a proven record of working in the area of social sciences. We are looking for an internationally oriented, ambitious, yet collegial scholar who shares our dedication for climate change research and will contribute to Wegener Center’s collaborative research. The selected candidate has been successful in acquiring third-party funds as well as has experience in international research collaboration. He/she is expected to initiate and strongly engage in interdisciplinary research projects. The position includes teaching and supervision responsibilities and offers possibilities for developing innovative learning formats. In addition, we expect gender mainstreaming competence.  
Should you require any further information on the perspective or background please do not hesitate to contact  karl.steininger@uni-graz.at.
Please submit your applications stating the reference numberBV/2/98 ex 2018/19 by March 13th 2019 at the latest. For information about the application procedures and other prerequisites, please visithttps://jobs.uni-graz.at/en/BV/2/98.

Job opportunity: Academic assistant, Environment and sustainable development

The Institute of Development Policy (IOB) of the University of Antwerp wants to contribute to a more just and sustainable world through multidisciplinary academic research, education, partnerships and political engagement. More information about the institute and its activities can be found at www.uantwerp.be/iob.

The Institute of Development Policy (IOB) is seeking to fill a full-time (100%) vacancy for an

Academic assistant in the area of “environment and sustainable development”

Job description

  • Your research and societal service delivery is situated in the field of development processes, actors and policies, with particular attention to their nexus with global-to-local environmental/climate change governance processes. Your research focus matches the research line “Environment and Sustainable Development”.
  • Your research studies how the economics and politics of conservation and the environment intersect within the context of globalization, often resulting in social-environmental conflicts. You pay particular attention to the (local and global) environmental justice aspects of contemporary (market-based) environment-development policy frameworks, such as carbon and biodiversity markets, Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) and/or Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES).
  • Geographically, you focus on Central/Latin America.
  • You prepare a doctoral thesis in development studies in this domain (appr. 50% of your time).
  • You contribute to the strengthening of the research line, i.a. through joint research and outreach activities and collaborating in applications for externally funded research grants.
  • You assist in teaching assignments within the framework of the IOB master programs.
  • Your research adopts a multidisciplinary perspective, includes fieldwork and uses a combination of qualitative (and, preferably, also quantitative) methods, in accordance with the IOB Research Strategy 2017-2022.
  • IOB PhD regulations allow joint or double PhDs degrees.
  • Your work includes activities of societal outreach.
  • You actively support the cooperation of IOB with its partner institutes in the South, in particular in Central America.
  • You function well in groups and you are willing to contribute to the service delivery to IOB, to the University of Antwerp and the wider society.

Profile and requirements

  • You hold a master degree in development studies or in related social science disciplines (preferably with a proven interest in political ecology, human geography and/or ecological economics).
  • Your work is preferably interdisciplinary in nature and preferably engages with a combination of methodological approaches.
  • You obtained outstanding academic results.
  • You preferably have experience with development processes in the South.
  • The focus in your teaching corresponds to the educational vision of the university.
  • Your academic qualities comply with the requirements stipulated in the university’s policy.
  • You are quality-oriented, conscientious, creative, social and cooperative.
  • You are fluent in English and Spanish. Knowledge of other relevant languages is a plus.

We offer

  • an appointment as an academic assistant for a period of two years, with the possibility of renewal twice for a further two-year period after positive evaluation;
  • the date of appointment will be 1 September 2019;
  • a full time gross monthly salary ranging from € 3.338,21 tot € 5.649,28;
  • a dynamic and stimulating work environment.

How to apply?

  • Applications may only be submitted online, until the closing date 24 March 2019.
  • The application must be completed with a PhD research proposal (appr. 1000 words) and an argument (appr. 500 words) how this proposal can strengthen the profile of the research line and of the IOB profile in general. This document must be submitted in English.
  • A pre-selection will be made from amongst the submitted applications. The remainder of the selection procedure is specific to the position and will be determined by the selection panel. The selection interview will take place on 2 May 2019.
  • More information about the application form can be obtained at vacatures@uantwerpen.be.
  • For questions about the profile and the description of duties, please contact prof. dr. Gert Van Hecken (Tel. +32 3 265 56 85; Gert.vanhecken@uantwerpen.be).

The University of Antwerp is a family friendly organization, with a focus on equal opportunities and diversity. Our HR-policy for researchers was awarded by the European Commission with the quality label HR Excellence in research.

We support the Science4Refugees initiative and encourage asylum-seeking, refugee scientists and researchers to apply for a job at the University of Antwerp.

CFP: SUSTAINABILITIES panel// DGSKA conference in Konstanz 2019, Germany

Workshop of the RG Circumpolar Regions and Siberia:

Sustainabilities’, Or The Politics of a Many-Faced Concept

Undoubtedly, ‘sustainability’ has become a widely used buzzword not only in our daily lives, but also on both domestic and international political stages. With regard to the Circumpolar North, it has recently been suggested that “sustainability research in the Arctic has moved to the forefront of intellectual and policy realms” (Petrov et al. 2016: 166).

Historian Jeremy Caradonna remarked that the concept of ‘sustainability’ (‘Nachhaltigkeit’) emerged in the context of conflicts over resources, especially wood, induced by the proto-industrialist economies of Early Modern Europe at the beginning of the 18th century (Caradonna 2014). He did not pay, however, much attention to the political effects of this particular development. In contrast, historian Joachim Radkau argued that the articulation of ‘Nachhaltigkeit’ essentially relates to the emergence of the modern, bureaucratic state and that therefore the invocation of ‘sustainability’ has to be understood in clearly political terms (Radkau & Schäfer 1987; Radkau 2011).

In line with this rather critical stance towards ‘sustainability’, we propose to shift attention to the politics  of its invocation: What are the consequences of the introduction of the concept in specific ethnographic settings? What kinds of actors are mobilized and what types of alliances are formed (e.g. NGOs, governmental organizations etc.)? How do these actors deal with potentially different notions of ‘sustainability’? How does ‘sustainability’ relate to the emergence of intensive resource extraction and the (colonial) bureaucratic state? To what extent do invocations of ‘sustainability’ shape the discursive frames of political processes, limiting the field of potential articulations of ‘collectivity’?

The proposed workshop explicitly attempts at breaching narrow regional as well as disciplinary perspectives and therefore welcomes contributions not only from other parts of the globe, but also from related disciplines.

Please note that the “two-role” rule applies to presentations, the organisation of workshops or roundta­bles, and the role of discussant: each conference participant is allowed to take on roles in a maximum of two categories (presentation, discussant, the organisation and chairing of a workshop or roundtable); it is not possible to take on two roles in the same category.

Please send a text of max. 1.200 characters (incl. spaces) and also a short version of max. 300 characters (incl. spaces) directly to the workshop organizer(s). Deadline: 02/15/2019

ABSTRACT SUBMISSIONS: Andreas Womelsdorf:  aawomelsdorf@gmail.com

Populism as the final outcome of liberalism


by Alvaro Gaertner Aranda

In 1917 Lenin published his book Imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism (Lenin 1999), and immediately after he started a revolution in Russia that no Marxist theorist could have foreseen. This conclusion seemed logical on the light of the events he had witnessed in the previous decades. In 1873, Germany and the United States finally entered the gold standard and immediately after the Long Depression began. The costs that the gold standard imposed to nations in crisis, that had to suffer the ills of unemployment and deflation before going back to the economic equilibrium, were unbearable for societies, and societies logically responded (Block 2001, p. 14). This response consisted of a mixture of industrial and agrarian tariffs on the one side and of social legislation to protect the workers on the other. These policies, which aimed to make trade flows, and therefore nations, less sensitive to price changes and also to protect businessman and workers from the effects of the gold standard, were adopted in all major countries, starting from Germany. There, Bismarck popularised the “all round protectionism” concept (Polanyi and MacIver 1944, p. 210). The introduction of these tariffs provoked the need for the different states of continuously expanding their colonies to ensure markets and raw materials for the national companies, and thus transformed colonialism, a formerly decried idea, into a necessity. (Block 2001, p. 15). This expansion filled the world with imperialist rivalries, that were first confined into some colonial wars but later escalated and provoked the First World War. Thus, Lenin´s conclusion seemed logical given that the tensions created by the Gold Standard had mainly expressed themselves in the form of imperialist rivalries, where countries sought to alleviate the tensions in their societies by externalizing them to other regions of the world (Polanyi and MacIver 1944, p. 211), but this was not the only way in which the strain manifested. The other possible outcome was best exemplified by William Jennings Bryan, the candidate of the Democratic Party in the 1896 election. Following a period of economic struggle in the US after 1893, Bryan won the nomination by defending that “you shall not press down upon the brow of labour this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.” (quoted in Kazin 2007) and thus advocating the exit of the US of the Gold Standard. In his speech, Bryan showed how the strain in the north American society would be alleviated in the internal politics by defending the interests of the farmers, the workers and the people in general against the interests of the bankers of the East Coast, and if he would have won and implemented this vision we would have seen the end of the dream of a self-regulating market. His speech got him also the support of the People’s Party, a populist party of the US, and showed that populism is the other possible final outcome of liberalism.
To further argument this thesis, that is, that populism is the other possible outcome of liberalism, we will start by reviewing the modern origin of this concept, and to do so, we have to go back again to Marxism and the October Revolution. Orthodox Marxists theory predicted that the revolution would occur in the most developed countries based upon several quotes of Marx. One example of such a quote was the one indicating that the essence of the bourgeoisie class made them push involuntarily for the advance of industry and therefore for the substitution of individualized workers through an organised working class, that ultimately would be their grave-diggers (Marx and Engels 1967, p. 8). Another example would be the one pointing that “no social order ever disappears before all the productive forces, for which there is room in it, have been developed” (Marx 2010). This didn’t finally occur, and the revolution was made in one of the least developed European countries, Russia. This contradiction led Gramsci, the founder of the Italian Communist Party, to question himself why that did happened, and one of the results of this and other questions was his theory of hegemony. There Gramsci suggested that the bourgeois class was the dominant class not only due to their ability to maintain the grip of society through coercion, but also due to their ability to obtain consent for their actions thanks to the transformation of their ideas in the common sense of society and their ability to co-opt and integrate other classes in a subaltern position (Katz 2010). If a class achieved such a dominant position then it would be hegemonic, and the challenge for the subaltern classes such as the working class would be to create their own working class culture that would allow them to liberate themselves from the dominance of the bourgeois class and to wage the fight for hegemony (Katz 2010). Also, it is important to point out that while developing his theory of hegemony, Gramsci was thinking that the social groups fighting for it were the bourgeois and the working class (Katz 2010), thus following Marxism in that point. That assumption was challenged later by Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, a couple of populist theorists who realised, in different ways, that “there are different forms of subordination that might give rise to a variety of antagonisms, and that all these struggles cannot be viewed simply as the expression of capitalist exploitation” (quoted in John B. Judis 2016). Therefore, they though that, given that the political antagonism was not predefined by some objective theory, that is, that the political conflict in the society need not be between two classes objectively defined by their position with respect to the ownership of the means of production, then the political antagonism had to be defined in the political fight. For Laclau, that meant that this political antagonism is defined by a sort of political discourse, populism, that tries to establish a conflict between an underdog group and the elites (John B. Judis 2016). This underdog group bases its challenge against the established power among a set of demands that establish a political frontier between both groups. This challenge may then succeed and create a new hegemony if a plurality of unsatisfied demands in the society coexist with an increasing inability of the institutional system to absorb them (John B. Judis 2016). In conclusion,
populism as a political theory tries to describe how the change from the hegemony of a particular group to the hegemony of another group happens.
Populism explains how those changes of hegemonies happen, but it does not explain how the fundamental condition for the populist ruptures appears. Therefore, we will now try to explain the way in which different unsatisfied demands and an inability of the existing institutional system to absorb them coexist in the long run when implementing a market economy. Such a system of self-regulating markets requires markets for all products to be efficient. Also, it needs that all products are commodities, that is, “objects produced for sale on the market” (Polanyi and MacIver 1944). That all means that the production of all commodities should be subject to the law of supply and demand, that will determine the prices of those commodities and therefore the income of their suppliers (Polanyi and MacIver 1944). That may not be a problem when selling nails, a very homogenous product particularly suited to be produced to be sold in a competitive market, but it is a problem when we talk about what Polanyi called “fictitious commodities”. These commodities, such as labour, money and land, are not originally produced to be sold in the market and their inclusion can threaten the substance of society. For example, “labour is simply the activity of human beings” (Block 2001) and our way of surviving, and leaving its organization to the market would mean that the supply of labour may have to adjust to the demand for it at a given price. In situations of unemployment this adjustment would be made through the disappearance of the owners of that labour power from the market, that is, through their death. Also, leaving the organization of land, which is only subdivided nature (Block 2001), to the market may produce externalities such as a declining quality of the soil, insufficient food security or climate change that threaten the substance of society. Finally, leaving the organization of the monetary system to the market alone may impose unbearable costs to societies in several ways. One way in which it occurs is through the deflationary pressures and the periods of unemployment when the currencies are fixed between each other, as happened with the gold standard. The other way in which it happens is through accelerated devaluations that increase the price of imports, inflation and the costs of paying external debt, as it occurs in countries with floating currencies and as it is happening in Turkey and Argentina.
Naturally, if a society feels any of these threats, it will try to protect itself from them. Therefore, when liberals introduce their reforms to organize these three “fictitious commodities” according to the logic of the self-regulating market, there will be an immediate reaction of society seeking to protect itself and therefore a set of demands will be generated. Then society would have two possible options to alleviate the strain. As described at the beginning of this essay, the first one would be externalizing the strain by imposing the costs of these policies on other societies. Practically, for labour that would mean alleviating unemployment by shifting it to the colonies or any
other weak country, either through emigration or through increased exports from the powerful country. An example of the second type of policy can be found now in the trade war the US is waging against its trade partners to reduce its trade deficit and increase employment at home. For nature, that would mean shifting the overexploitation of it from the powerful country to the powerless, for example by decreasing mining at home and increasing it abroad. A current example of this can be found in the Global South, which has to cope with most of the environmental degradation produced by the consumption of the Global North. Finally, in the case of money, displacing the strain would mean shifting the deficit in the current account from the powerful country to the powerless, for example by forcing the weaker country to have a superavit in its budget and to transfer it to the strong country. An actual example of this can be found in Greece. On the other hand, if the affected society is not powerful enough to impose the costs on other societies, then there will be a political fight in the country in order to decide how the costs will be allocated between the different groups of that society. The hegemonic group will try to impose the costs on the subaltern classes, and by doing so it will create a set of unsatisfied demands that the existing institutional system will not be able to absorb, thus creating the conditions for a populist rupture. In that moment, there will be a window of opportunity for a populist party that, making use of a populist discourse and possibly counting with a strong unifying leader (John B. Judis 2016), tries to represent all those unsatisfied demands and to replace the old hegemonic group by a new one. When that happens, there will be several possibilities. The first one is that the underdog coalition succeeds, transforms its ideology in the common sense of society and either implements its program by itself or forces the old elites to do it. The second one is that the hegemonic group sees off the challenge to their hegemony, but in that case, the strain in society will stay and therefore the populist rupture will be merely postponed. In any case, populism will have been the final outcome of liberalism.
All of the facts exposed in the previous paragraphs are relevant for the times we are living. After the Second World War, Keynesianism had sent the utopia of the self-regulating market into the exile. Social democratic parties succeeded in making big parts of their programs hegemonic, as can be seen in the example of Great Britain, where, for example, in 13 years of government the Conservatives could not make significant attacks to the Welfare State created by the Labour Party due to its popularity (Bochel 2010). During that time, also called the “Thirty Glorious Years”, unemployment was the result of insufficient aggregate demand, and the solutions for it were active fiscal and monetary policies that would restore it (Palley 2005). But during the seventies, the utopia of the self-regulating market came back from its exile. After the victory of Thatcher and Reagan, unemployment was the result of the lack of flexibility in the labour market, and the solution for it was the effective dismantling of the institutions that were distorting the labour market, such as the trade unions or the minimum wage (Palley 2005). After the air traffic controllers of the US and the coal miners of the UK
were defeated, workers lost a lot of the elements protecting them from the action of the self-regulating market. The result of that loss of power were stagnating incomes for workers (Joseph A. McCartin 2011), and the stagnation of wages led to an increase in inequality and household debt (Wisman 2013). Increasing debt worked then as a substitute for increasing income for a lot of families seeking to maintain their status and their way of life (Wisman 2013). That worked for some time, and during that time economists such as Robert E.Lucas congratulated their profession for having solved the central problem of depression prevention (Lucas Jr 2003). The problem was and is that bubbles always burst, and when the housing bubble finally burst it was clear that the strain caused by stagnating wages had only been deferred but it had not disappeared. This strain came then back augmented thanks to the implementation of the self-regulating market logic in the financial sector, and again society had to decide how to allocate the costs of the economic adjustment between the different groups present in it. The neoliberals were back then the hegemonic group, and they decided that the middle class and the working class would pay the costs of the crisis and banks would be saved. This decision naturally created some unsatisfied demands in society. Additionally, the Eurozone had to face another challenge while dealing with the crisis because of its monetary system. Back in 1992, the countries of the Eurozone had entered a monetary union without including in its design some of the necessary elements to make it work properly in the event of a crisis, such as a banking union or a set of European automatic stabilizers as, for example, a European unemployment insurance program (Stiglitz 2016). Therefore, its functioning during the crisis has resembled the behaviour of a system of fixed currencies such as the gold standard. Ultimately, that has meant that countries that used to have a current account deficit before the crisis have had to go through a process equal to the one the gold standard would have imposed in such a situation, that is, a process of adjustment consisting of deflation and high unemployment that makes them recover their competitiveness and re-establish the equilibrium. That has caused the appearance of an even greater set of unsatisfied demands in those countries that their institutional system has not been able to absorb. All of these facts together explain the situation that we are living in Europe right now, because the implementation of liberal policies has again lead to a populist moment, which will either be solved through a left wing populism that pitches the losers of the crisis against the powerful and that seeks to protect society from the action of the self-regulating market while reinforcing democracy or through a right wing populism that pitches the losers of the crisis against immigrants. The lesson of the thirties with this respect cannot be clearer, as Gramsci said, when “the old world is dying, and the new world is slow to appear, in that chiaroscuro surge monsters” (quoted in Meneses 2013). For us, but also for the members of the current hegemonic group that want to hinder a takeover by right wing populists, that means that this time we should
learn from Polanyi, Mouffe, and Laclau; and use their knowledge to make the new world appear a little faster.

January updates from POLLEN

pollen2

Dear POLLEN members and friends (with apologies for X-posting),

Greetings and welcome to the first monthly update from POLLEN in 2019. We hope everyone had a restful break – even though it seems like a very long time ago already!

Many thanks to everyone who sent in their contributions – the number of publications, opportunities, news articles and other updates has been incredible this month. We are proud to be sending out one of the largest newsletter to date – proof that we are growing as a network! We hope everyone enjoys reading it.

A pdf version of this newsletter can be found here

BLOG POSTS

Gratitude by Mihnea Tanasescu

From our friends at Entitle:

Night of the Living ‘Things’: Zombie Archaeology by Eric Fleischmann 

Should political ecology be populist? by Diego Andreucci

Urban forests, regeneration and conflicts: the case of Prati di Caprara in Bologna (Italy) by Andrea Zinzani anEnrico Curzi

Assembling a Movement for Real Democracy in Every Community – launch statement from Symbiosis by Symbiosis Collective

Headless populism and the political ecology of alienation by Patrick Huff

Blog updates from the Political Ecology Research Centre at Massey University can be found here and here.

PUBLICATIONS

Amiero, M., T. Andritsos, S. Barca, R. Brás, S. R. Cauyela, Ç. Dedeoğlu, M. Di Pierri, L. de Oliveira Fernandes, F. Gravagno, L. Greco, L. Greyl, I. Iengo, J. Lindblom, F. Milanez, S. Pedro, G. Pappalardo, A. Petrillo, M. Portaluri, E. Privitera, A.C. Sarı, and G. Velegrakis (2019). “Toxis Bios: Toxic Autobiographies–A Public Environmental Humanities Project.” Environmental Justice. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1089/env.2018.0019

Diego Andreucci (2018) Populism, Emancipation, and Environmental Governance: Insights from Bolivia. Annals of the American Association of Geographers, DOI:10.1080/24694452.2018.1506696

Bartels, Lara Esther, Antje Bruns, and Rossella Alba. “The production of uneven access to land and water in peri-urban spaces: de facto privatisation in greater Accra.” Local Environment 23.12 (2018): 1172-1189. https://doi.org/10.1080/13549839.2018.1533932

Stefan Constantinescu and Mihnea Tanasescu (2018). Simplifying a deltaic labyrinth: anthropogenic imprint on river deltas. Revista de Geomorfologie Vol. 20 No. 20.  https://revistadegeomorfologie.ro/geo/index.php/revista/article/view/37

Dunlap, Alexander. (2018) Book Review: The Anarchist Roots of Geography: Toward Spatial Emancipation by Simon Springer. Human Geography 11: 62-64.
Dunlap, Alexander. (2018) Book Review: Anna Feigenbaum, Tear Gas: From the Battlefield of World War I to the Streets of Today. Interface: a journal for and about social movements 10: 352-355.

Fair H. (2018). Three stories of Noah: Navigating religious climate change narratives in the Pacific Island region. Geo: Geography and Environmenthttps://doi.org/10.1002/geo2.68

Human Ecology Review: Volume 24, Number 2. Special Issue: Addressing the Great Indoors— A Transdisciplinary Conversation. http://doi.org/10.22459/HER.24.02.2018

Hung, P.-Y. and H.-T. Hsiao (2018). Apples in Action: Territoriality and Land Use Politics of Mountain Agriculture in Taiwan. Asia Pacific Viewpoint 59(3): 349-367

Journal of Political Ecology. Special section: Performing development roles: theorizing agriculture as performance edited by Andrew Flachs. https://journals.uair.arizona.edu/index.php/JPE/issue/view/1483

Koot, S. (2019). The limits of economic benefits: Adding social affordances to the analysis of trophy hunting of the Khwe and Ju/’hoansi in Namibian community-based natural resource management. Society & Natural Resources. Online availabe at: https://stasjakootblog.files.wordpress.com/2019/01/2019-koot-the-limits-of-economic-benefits.pdf

Massé, Francis (2018). “Topographies of security and the multiple spatialities of (conservation) power: Verticality, surveillance, and space-time compression in the bush.”  Political Geography 67:56-64.
Massé, Francis (2018). “Anti-poaching’s politics of (in) visibility: Representing nature and conservation amidst a poaching crisis.” Geoforum.

Neimark B D, Childs J R, Nightingale A, Cavanagh C, Sullivan S, Benjaminsen T, Batterbury S, Koot S and W. Harcourt (2019). Speaking Power to ‘Post-Truth’: Critical Political Ecology and the New Authoritarianism. Annals of the Association of American Geographers.  DOI: 10.1080/24694452.2018.1547567

Neimark, B. Osterhoudt, S. Alter, H. and A. Gradiner. (2019). A New Sustainability Model for Measuring Changes in Power and Access in Global Commodity Chains: Through a Smallholder Lens. Palgrave Comm. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599-018-0199-0

Dana E. Powell (2018). Landscapes of Power: Politics of Energy in the Navajo Nation. Durham and London: Duke University Press. https://www.dukeupress.edu/landscapes-of-power

Rai, Benjaminsen, Krishnan, Madegowda (2019). Political ecology of tiger conservation in India: Adverse effects of banning customary practices in a protected area. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 40 (1): 124-139.

Rasmussen, MB (2019) Rewriting Conservation Landscapes: Protected areas and glacial retreat in the high AndesRegional Environmental Change

Rasmussen, MB, A French and S Conlon (2019) Conservation Conjunctures: Contestation and Situated Consent in Peru’s Huascarán National ParkConservation and Society

Rutt RL and Loveless S (2018) Whose Park? The forty-year fight for Folkets Park under Copenhagen’s evolving urban managerialismPeople, Place and Policy

Sullivan, S. (2018). Towards a metaphysics of the soul and a participatory aesthetics of life: mobilising Foucault, affect and animism for caring practices of existence. New Formations: A Journal of Culture/Theory/Politics 95: 5-21.  https://www.lwbooks.co.uk/sites/default/files/nf95_02Sullivan.pdf

Zinzani, A. 2018. Deconstructing coastal sustainable development policies: towards a political ecology of coastalscapes in Vietnam. Geography Notebooks, 1(2).  http://www.ledonline.it/index.php/Geography-Notebooks/article/view/1528

CONFERENCES AND OPPORTUNITIES

Call for Papers for fully funded work/writeshop – May 2020 in the Abbazia di San Giusto, Italy
on: Crisis Conservation: Saving Nature in Times of Extinction, Exception and Enmity. Organized by: Prof. Bram Büscher (Wageningen University, the Netherlands). Date: 10-16 May 2020. Place: Abbazia di San Giusto, Italy

Call for papers for a student proposed panel at the joint Society for the Anthropology of North America and the Society for Urban, National, and Transnational Anthropology conference this May, in San Juan, Puerto Rico. The conference theme is “Positive Futures.”

Call for Papers extended to 14 February: the 2019 Environmental Justice Conference ‘Transformative Connections’ will be held at University of East Anglia, Norwich, UK, on 2 July – 4 July 2019. We welcome proposals for sessions (talks, panel discussion, roundtables or workshop events). We are also calling for submission of abstracts for presentations. The deadline is 14 February 2019. Submissions will be reviewed by the scientific advisory board  by 28 February 2019. Registration for the conference will open on 1 March 2019. For further information see the conference webpages or email gej.group@uea.ac.uk.

Call for Conference Papers – International Symposium Environmental Justice and Sustainable Development Goals: Balancing Economy and Environment for Inclusive and Equitable Growth
Gujarat National Law University, Gandhinagar, Gujarat, India
March 15th and 16th, 2019

The School of Human Ecology at Ambedkar University Delhi (AUD) is organising a conference titled “Entangled Natures: A Conference on Human Ecology” during 14th to 17th February 2019. The conference will have five thematic panels, speed talks, posters, photo exhibition celebrating a decade of SHE, and an open house and photography competition for undergraduate students. We have just issued a call for papers, which is available on the conference website https://www.entanglednatures.com/

RGS-IBG 2019 (28th – 30th August 2019, London) Call for Papers: TRUST IN RURAL LAND GOVERNANCE. Convenors: Sam Staddon, Clare Barnes, Rachel Hunt (University of Edinburgh)

Call for Papers Political Ecologies of Green Energy at RGS-IBG Annual Conference: Political Ecologies of Green Energy: troubling the realities of being green. Convenors: Dr Jessica Hope & Dr Ed Atkins, University of Bristol
Doctoral vacancy at the Leibniz Centre for Tropical Marine Research (ZMT) – call attached – for a sub-project under the interdisciplinary Fiction Meets Science initiative ‘Narrating Sea Level Change as a World-making Activity.’  We welcome applicants in the environmental humanities and the social sciences. Deadline – Feb 8, 2019

Applications are invited for a Postdoctoral Fellow based in the Physical Activity and Public Health programme in the MRC Epidemiology Unit, a department within the University of Cambridge’s School of Clinical Medicine on the Cambridge Biomedical Campus. The programme is one of seven core-funded MRC research programmes.

Lincoln University is seeking an interdisciplinary-backgrounded Postdoctoral Fellow with training in social science or human-environment relations, political ecology, environmental sociology, geography or anthropology, etc.

New PhD position at ISS Erasmus University Rotterdam: Valuing nature in the circular economy

One Earth, a new journal from Cell on environmental sustainability, is looking for a social sciences editor. More information can be found at https://4re.referrals.selectminds.com/elsevier/jobs/scientific-editor-social-science-one-earth-20590

Greetings! Several of us here at McGill University have been really concerned about the recent situation in Wets’uwet’en territory in British Columbia and have felt compelled to show active support of the Wet’suwet’en people. We worked together to write a Statement of Solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en People from Professors and Scholars that we now invite you to sign. We will gather as many signatures we can by Feb 15, at which point we will do a press release to Canadian media.
*This Statement was sent to the people at the Unist’ot’en camp to ensure they approve of this support effort and indeed, they do. Please click here to read and add your name to this Statement of Solidarity. And please help us by forwarding this email widely to all the Professors and other scholars that you think may want to sign!

NEW NODES – Welcome to POLLEN!

Best wishes,

Marleen Schutter, Ben Neimark, John Childs, Simon Batterbury, Patrick Bigger, James Fraser, Giovanni Bettini, Katharine Howell

POLLEN secretariat, Lancaster University

politicalecologynetwork@gmail.com

@PolEcoNet

Gratitude

The Civil Animal

I have spent the last three months in New Zealand, immersed in a world very different from the one that defines my usual daily life. I have had the luxury of time-to-think, something that, even though I became an academic for it, is rarer by the day. I have also had the opportunity to start learning about the history and culture of Aotearoa, a tradition so rich it left me ashamed for having engaged with it so late, and grateful for having done so at all. Sealed within our own disciplines and preferred ways of thinking, we fail to grasp just how much richness still remains in a world so otherwise flattened by hegemonic development.

Ideas are conventionally described as being thought by a mind, or a thinker. Often though experience teaches that it is the other way around: ideas think you, find you and take you along to show…

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